Roscoe Pound has called Charles Doe (1830-1896) one of the ten greatest jurists in American history, the "one judge upon the bench of a state court who stands out as a builder of the law since the Civil War." This is the first booklength biography of Chief Justice Doe, and as an examination of the constitutional and jurisprudential theories of a state judge it is probably unique.

Known for his aversion to formal courtroom procedure and for his singular methods of conducting jury trials and appellate sessions, Charles Doe served as Associate Justice of the New Hampshire Supreme Judicial Court from 1859 to 1874, and as Chief Justice of New Hampshire from 1876 to 1896. In his thirty-five years on the bench, Doe was responsible for a number of innovations in judicial practice. He devoted himself to reforming the rules of construction, his "newmodelling" of writs revolutionized civil procedure, and his solution to the question of criminal insanity was so advanced that it has not yet been superseded, or even approached, in many states. Perhaps it is in Doe's discussions of torts, where he expounded tenets in opposition to those held by Oliver Wendell Holmes, that one may find the most interesting insight into Doe's view of the law. By redefining and re-emphasizing the distinction between matters of law and questions of fact, Chief Justice Doe demonstrated that an original mind working with familiar legal concepts could depart from traditional doctrine while at the same time maintaining the continuity and essential integrity of Anglo-American common law.

At the close of the Spanish-American War the United States found itself in possession of a colonial empire. The role played by the American Catholic Church in influencing administrative policy for the new, and predominately Catholic, dependencies is the subject of this incisive study by Frank T. Reuter.

Reuter discusses the centuries-old intricate involvement of the Spanish crown and the native Roman Catholic Church in the civil, social, and charitable institutions of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. He explores the attempts of United States officials to apply the traditional doctrine of separation of church and state in resolving the problems of a Church-run school system, the alleged desecration of native Catholic churches by American forces in the Philippines, the native antagonism toward the Spanish friars, and the disposition of Church property in dependencies with a deeply rooted correlation between the Catholic Church and the state.

Recounting the development of the Catholic Church in America, which felt responsible for maintaining the islands’ religious structure after Spanish control was removed, Reuter sees the reaction of the Church to the war with Spain and to colonial policy in the early postwar period as voiced not by a monolithic political force, but by diverse spokesmen—in particular the unofficial voice of the Catholic press. He traces the growth of the Church in the United States from a disparate group of dioceses clinging to European backgrounds, disunited by a divided hierarchy, and attacked by the wave of the anti-Catholic, nativistic sentiments of the last two decades of the nineteenth century, to a church body unified by the problems in the colonies. Catholic opinion, although not utilized to its full political potential, achieved a common focus through the formation of the Federation of American Catholic Societies and the debate in Congress over the Philippine Government Bill.

This study of American and native Catholic attitudes toward the formulation of United States policy in the insular dependencies and the attitude of the United States government toward the Catholic interests in the dependencies details the interplay of personalities and organizations: Presidents William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt; William Howard Taft, civil governor of the Philippines; James Cardinal Gibbons, moderator between Catholic factions and official spokesman of the hierarchy to the Papacy and the United States government; Archbishop Placide L. Chapelle, apostolic delegate of the Vatican to the Philippines; Archbishop John Ireland, friend of President McKinley; the Philippine Commissions; and the Taft Mission to the Vatican in 1902.

Imperialism, pernicious as it was in most respects, served as the prime catalyst for social change in China throughout the turbulent period from 1895 to 1913. Starting with this premise, Edward Rhoads traces the social, political, and economic history of the republican revolution. In his view, after the Boxer uprising, the Manchu court, usually called supine and reactionary, instituted a program of reform that was a serious, comprehensive, and often successful attempt at radical social transformation. It failed, but it politicized the Chinese people to an unprecedented degree--and it marks the entrance of China into the modern era.

The post-Boxer reforms attracted many revolutionaries and defused a serious revolutionary threat. Contrary to traditional accounts, Sun Yat-sen and his Revolutionary Alliance did not move easily from success to success. On the eve of the 1911 revolution, in fact, the movement was disorganized and demoralized. Its ultimate victory came less from its own efforts than from the failure of the incumbent rulers to win the support of the nonrevolutionary elite.

This is an auto-narrated audiobook edition of this book.

Though Europe’s universities are very well represented among the world’s top 200 universities, they are almost entirely absent from the top fifty. In this impassioned book, Jo Ritzen argues that European universities are economically, culturally, and socially underexploited, and he outlines a series of changes necessary to make these institutions more successful. He advocates reorganizing universities to favor innovation over bureaucracy, securing financing from private sources to meet the gaps left by public budget cuts, and matching and selecting students with an eye toward effectively educating for an international labor market. With such reinvention, universities would become instrumental to strengthening the European competitive position through economic innovation, increased social cohesion, and a more vibrant cultural dynamism.

The much-praised Cultural Quarters returns in a revised edition, offering new case studies and new chapters on the economics of cultural quarters and the importance of historical buildings. This definitive text provides a conceptual context for cultural quarters through a detailed discussion of urban design and planning. Drawing on several case studies (from Bolton, Birmingham, Ireland and Vienna), Cultural Quarters positions the emergence of specific cultural areas within a historical and social context and explores the economics of maintaining the respective districts. The book offers a concise illustration of how cultural practice is maintained and expanded within an urban environment.

A trusted advisor to Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson and one of America's leading professors of economic history, W. W. Rostow has helped shape the intellectual debate and governmental policies on major economic, political, and military issues since World War II. In this thought-provoking memoir, he takes a retrospective look at eleven key policy problems with which he has been involved to show how ideas flow into concrete action and how actions taken or not taken in the short term actually determine the long run that we call "the future."

The issues that Rostow discusses are these:

• The use of air power in Europe in the 1940s
• Working toward a united Europe during the Cold War
• The death of Joseph Stalin and early attempts to end the Cold War
• Eisenhower's Open Skies policy
• The debate over foreign aid in the 1950s
• The economic revival of Korea
• Efforts to control inflation in the 1960s
• Waiting for democracy in China
• The Vietnam War and Southeast Asian policy
• U.S. urban problems in disadvantaged neighborhoods
• The challenges posed by declining population in the twenty-first century

In discussing how he and others have worked to meet these challenges, Rostow builds a compelling case for including long-term forces in the making of current policy. He concludes his memoir with provocative reflections on the twentieth and twenty-first centuries and on how individual actors shape history.

Like his countryman and contemporary Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Thompson (later Count Rumford) aimed by his inventions and scientific research to increase the degree of comfort in daily life. During fourteen years spent in Munich, he made important reforms in the city's public service and social welfare institutions; he also introduced improvements in the hospitals and workhouses in Ireland, England, and Italy. His goals were practical, and his contributions to our knowledge of the nature of heat were as valuable as Franklin's to our knowledge of electricity. Rumford believed heat to be a form of energy, and worked to demolish the widely held material theory of heat.

Between 1870 and 1875 the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in Boston published Rumford's “complete” Works, financing the project with part of the increase of a fund that Rumford himself had given to the Academy in 1796. This edition presented, in order of their first appearance, all the papers that the Academy committee was able to find. The Academy edition has long been out of print and practically unavailable.

In this edition Sanborn Brown has rearranged the papers according to subject matter. Rumford's papers dealing with light and with armament are contained in this fourth volume. They include “Intensity of Light”; “Coloured Shadows”; “Harmony of Colors”; “Chemical Properties of Light”; “Management of Light”; “Source of Light in Combustion”; “Air from Water Exposed to Light”; “Description of a New Lamp”; “Experiments upon Gunpowder”; “Force of Fired Gunpowder”; and “Experiments with Cannon.”

An American of wide-ranging interests and overflowing energy, Benjamin Thompson applied his scientific and technical knowledge to the improvement of public service and welfare institutions in Bavaria (a service for which he was made Count Rumford), Ireland, England, and Italy. In the process, he made important discoveries in physics. In this new edition of Rumford’s Works, Sanborn Brown has arranged his writings according to subject matter: in this fifth volume are Rumford’s papers on public institutions: “Poor in Munich”; “Poor in All Countries”; “Feeding the Poor”; “Coffee”; “Public Institutions in Bavaria”; “Regulations for the Army of Bavaria”; “Public Institutions in Great Britain”; and “The Royal Institution.”

The Collected Works of Count Rumford is much more than a source book or a guide to methods of research in physics. It provides a unique portrait of the scientific, political, and social conditions of the turbulent early years of the Industrial Revolution.

An American of wide-ranging interests and overflowing energy, Benjamin Thompson applied his scientific and technical knowledge to the improvement of public service and welfare institutions in Bavaria (a service for which he was made Count Rumford), Ireland, England, and Italy. In the process, he made important discoveries in physics. In this new edition of Rumford's Works, Sanborn Brown has arranged his writings according to subject matter: this first volume contains his papers on the nature of heat, and includes one paper which has never before been published in English.

The volume begins with Rumford's paper on the production of heat by friction, and continues with descriptions of the experiments by which he showed that heat has no weight, and his essays on the propagation of heat in solids and fluids. Subsequent volumes contain papers on practical applications of heat, devices and techniques (including studies of fireplaces and chimneys), armament, light and color, and on such public establishments and organizations as poorhouses, the army of Bavaria, and the Royal Institution in London.

One of our nation's leading interpreters of national security policymaking shows how public opinion, operating in democratic political systems, shapes and constrains decisions about national security. Bruce Russett maintains that elected leaders, and their supporters and rivals, must realize that foreign policy and security policy are largely determined by domestic politics; the political leader who ignores domestic politics finds it difficult to get things done internationally, risks repudiation at the polls, and fails to exploit real or symbolic successes abroad that could reinforce his standing at home.

Russett also debunks several Washington myths: that the public is too confused and ignorant about security issues to deserve influence over national security policy; that the public is easily manipulated; that public opinion is hopelessly volatile, swinging irrationally between indifference and hysteria, hawk and dove. He shows how electoral politics encourages tough talk and tough action; how policymaking and public opinion interact; how the public balances extremes of warmongering and appeasement; and how democratic political systems are prepared to compromise their differences with other democratic countries, to avoid making hard enemies of them.

Timely, insightful, almost an advanced primer for understanding national policymaking in our most challenging and frightening sphere, this book will be of interest to policymakers, journalists, legislators, and concerned readers in general.